Skip to main content

The context you need, when you need it

When news breaks, you need to understand what actually matters — and what to do about it. At Vox, our mission to help you make sense of the world has never been more vital. But we can’t do it on our own.

We rely on readers like you to fund our journalism. Will you support our work and become a Vox Member today?

Join now

How same-sex marriage’s spread across states mirrors past social reforms

Andrew Prokop
Andrew Prokop is a senior politics correspondent at Vox, covering the White House, elections, and political scandals and investigations. He’s worked at Vox since the site’s launch in 2014, and before that, he worked as a research assistant at the New Yorker’s Washington, DC, bureau.

When social change bubbles up from the states — as same-sex marriage has — when does it go national? In an interesting article for the Pacific Standard last year, writer Joel Warner and computer scientist Aaron Clauset tackled that question. Their dive into the relevant political science found that the pace of a policy change’s spread across various states often occurs in an S-curve — slowly at first, then very rapidly in the middle, and then more slowly again at the end.

The authors plotted the spread of same-sex marriage across states along an S-curve, and here’s how it looked as of last November:

SSM S Curve

(Joel Warner, Aaron Clauset, and Abigail Z. Jacobs. Pacific Standard, November 2014.)

Since this chart was made, though, federal court rulings have made the number of states with same-sex marriage rise far higher — to 37, currently. That speed is rapidly outpacing the S-curve. (Of course, if the Supreme Court rules against same-sex marriage, those federal court rulings will be reversed.)

Warner and Clauset also pulled some key historical examples of how many states enacted major policy changes before they were instituted nationally (either by constitutional amendment, Supreme Court ruling, or federal law). They found:

  • 40 percent: Prohibition
  • 40 percent: abortions permitted
  • 54 percent: prescription drug benefits for seniors
  • 58 percent: a minimum wage
  • 68 percent: interracial marriage
  • 72 percent: no ban on sodomy
  • 81 percent: women’s suffrage

While Warner and Clauset argue that on average there is some “tipping point” of around 60 percent, there’s quite a bit of variation there, so we shouldn’t overgeneralize. Overall, though, there’s quite a bit of precedent for the Supreme Court stepping in when a policy becomes as widely adopted as same-sex marriage is now. Head over to the Pacific Standard to check out the full article.

More in Politics

The Logoff
Trump’s DOJ wants to undo January 6 convictionsTrump’s DOJ wants to undo January 6 convictions
The Logoff

How the Trump administration is still trying to rewrite January 6 history.

By Cameron Peters
Politics
Donald Trump messed with the wrong popeDonald Trump messed with the wrong pope
Politics

Trump fought with Pope Francis before. He’s finding Pope Leo XIV to be a tougher foil.

By Christian Paz
Podcasts
A cautionary tale about tax cutsA cautionary tale about tax cuts
Podcast
Podcasts

California cut property taxes in the 1970s. It didn’t go so well.

By Miles Bryan and Noel King
Podcasts
Obama’s top Iran negotiator on Trump’s screwupsObama’s top Iran negotiator on Trump’s screwups
Podcast
Podcasts

Wendy Sherman helped Obama reach a deal with Iran. Here’s what she thinks Trump is doing wrong.

By Kelli Wessinger and Noel King
Politics
The Supreme Court could legalize moonshine, and ruin everything elseThe Supreme Court could legalize moonshine, and ruin everything else
Politics

McNutt v. DOJ could allow the justices to seize tremendous power over the US economy.

By Ian Millhiser
The Logoff
The new Hormuz blockade, briefly explainedThe new Hormuz blockade, briefly explained
The Logoff

Trump tries Iran’s playbook.

By Cameron Peters