Mischiefs of Faction
This post is part of Mischiefs of Faction, an independent political science blog featuring reflections on the party system.
Sen. McCain needs a new gauntlet, because he just threw his down.
If democracy means “enacting the will of the people,” what if the people have no will? Or many wills?
As speaker of the House, Paul Ryan faces divided loyalties as a leader of his party and a leader of the nation’s most democratic institution.
Examining Trump’s effect on down-ballot races.
Why Paul Ryan can’t campaign with Trump but still endorses him.
The 9/11 attacks exposed the vulnerabilities involved in presidential transition — even months after the inauguration.
Bubba got off to a poor start with his transition.
The undecided don’t follow politics as closely as other voters do. Why should they have an outsize voice in the debates?
Does having more offices give Clinton a significant advantage in the election, and how different is this from previous campaigns?
By starting his work well before the election, Carter set a precedent that his successors followed.
A look at the unique functions these somewhat odd events can fulfill.
Policy? What is this policy you speak of?
When one president leaves, another arrives, as does a whirlwind of activity.
Looking at the cases for large effects, modest effects, and no effect at all
Congress overrode President Obama’s veto of a 9/11 bill. This rare event shows that the president and Congress are playing with different information and different incentives.
Trump uses three main tactics to exploit the conventions of nonpartisan journalism.
The stakes may be higher for Clinton than Trump in their first presidential debate.
What recent concerns over Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump’s health tell us about the functions of modern political parties.
Money from labor to Democrats is down significantly since 2012.
An emphasis on social preservation, combined with a disruptive approach to politics, is Schlafly’s legacy. It will probably be Trump’s, too.
Primary debates looked nothing like this just a few cycles ago.
The link between money and access is no surprise to the seasoned Washingtonian.
Extreme candidates are more likely to appear in multi-party political systems. Does Trump’s rise in the US mean the US has more extreme political elements than we’ve seen in Europe?
If the Trump campaign could go from incompetent to just worse than average, it would have a shot at winning.
How Clinton’s “strength” created Trump.
A new book explains how some longstanding parties in South America have died within a single election cycle.
Why Bernie Sanders’s ardent supporters are less conciliatory than Hillary Clinton’s were in 2008.
If the convention is ever contested, we would care a lot about who the delegates are.
Speaking truth to power is brave, but going it alone is not brave in a way that is intrinsically useful in politics.
Proportional representation and a shorter calendar would yield better conventions — and be more democratic.
Trump is running one of them but not the other.
Things that occurred at conventions many decades ago are much more damaging now.
Donald Trump is creating a great TV show but a bad convention.
The most memorable moments of the RNC have been mistakes undermining the nominee.
Divisions in the Republican Party are submerged. Both parties would reach better outcomes if they could work them out at a convention.
What’s really hurting Trump this week is the many Republican politicians who failed to appear at all.
Conventions have been repurposed for pageantry. But they still need to do the party’s business.